Youths who are on social networking sites are surprisingly vulnerable to predators and should be aware of the ways to protect themselves from falling victim to these predators. These social networking sites like Twitter, Facebook, and Myspace have the ability to allow the youth to make new friends and strengthen their bonds with current ones, but it also has the ability to ruin their social lives, allow them to be bullied, and leave them open to identity theft. However, according to Tedeschi (2009), there are five mistakes that most youths typically make and if followed, it could be a safer experience for them.
The first mistake made by users, not only youths, is broadcasting personal information to the entire internet. If your privacy settings are not strict, it leaves you open to the whole internet being able to know everything about you. Before engaging in your social networking sites, youths should fine tune their privacy settings so that it is only possible for their friends to see their profiles. Experts advise using the strictest privacy settings (which are now automatic for those under 18 years old) Tedeschi (2009). Generally, if you Goggle your name and you are able to find your profiles, your privacy settings are sub par.
Mistake number two is sharing your password with anyone. Youths may think that they could trust their friends, but typically relationships change and those once trusted can ruin social lives. Parents have a responsibility to remind their children how important their password is and how disastrous it could be if someone else knows it. Tedeschi (2009) suggests that parents monitor their child's site and if they suspect that someone else has their password, punish them offline to prevent them from doing it again.
The third mistake youths typically make is befriending strangers. According to Tedeschi (2009) privacy settings mean absolutely nothing if you befriend complete strangers. Most youths want to have as many friends as possible so they result to adding complete strangers. Youths can form worthwhile friendships with strangers, but usually that is not the case. These strangers can be sexual predators, identity thieves, or marketers. Regardless, it is not beneficial to befriend complete strangers. Tedeschi (2009) also recommends that youths go through their friends regularly and adjust them because "last semesters BFF may be this semesters frenemy".
Another common mistake is baring their souls on their profiles. Now because of features like the News Feed on Facebook, all your friends could easily find out who you are talking to or what you are talking about. When youths get in the habit of broadcasting their personal information and problems, this can result in the magnification of social dramas (Tedeschi 2009). When youths are too open, others can see this and prey on them. Bullying, ridiculing, and being socially excluded are typical results when youths are too open online. To prevent this, once again, privacy settings have to be strict or youths need to only talk about personal situations in private messages.
The last mistake, and possibly the worst of all, is forgetting about their futures. According to Tedeschi (2009), 54% of 18 year olds on Myspace post about behavior such as sexual activity or substance abuse and 49% of teens are unconcerned that what they post will negatively affect them in the future. Most youths don't realize that photos or messages about parties or illegal activities can hurt them in the future. Tedeschi (2009) states that 21% of colleges use social networking sites to gather information about their applicants and if they find something negative, they could drop the appellant from consideration. Youths typically do not think that far ahead in the future, but they should be aware. A general rule Tedseschi (2009) brings up is "The web never forgets" and if you wouldn't want anyone to see something you post in the future, don't post it at all.
Social networking sites have the ability to do wonders for youths or they have the ability to ruin their lives. It all depends on how they use the sites. If youths follow safe practices on the sites the experience can be enjoyable; however, if the youths have no regard to their own privacy, the results are never favorable.
Saturday, November 28, 2009
The Role of Networked Publics in Teenage Social Life
Social networking sites are a vast part of youth’s social life and have big roles in the lives of youths. These social networking sites provide youth with a place to work out their identity and status, make sense of cultural cues, and negotiate public life; it is no wonder why 64% of teens age 15-17 have created profiles on these social networking sites (Boyd, 2007).
When teens were asked why this is the case, the reason tended to be to maintain connections with their friends and to make new ones. Another reason is for pure entertainment; social voyeurism passes time while providing insight into the society around the teens, which can be either good or bad (Boyd, 2007). The main goal for teens on these sites seems to be to look "cool". There are many unspoken guidelines on these sites and the most important one seems to be "You are who you know" because people judge others based on their associations (Boyd, 2007). Therefore teens are on a mission to master these sites in order to get acceptance from their peer groups.
These Social networking cites are typically public in the sense that friends are publicly made, profiles are publicly viewed, and comments are publicly visible (Boyd, 2007). Although, teenagers need their protection on these sites because of their age and vulnerability, a lot of teens already practice safe-guarding their identity, but not for protection from strangers. They tend to change their profile names and their locations to hide themselves from their parents, but they still interact with total strangers, which is not the safest idea.
There are two types of groups that have great interest in the profiles of teens, those who hold power over them and those who wish to prey on them (Boyd, 2007). Those who hold power over them are basically parents and teachers and those who prey on them are stalkers, predators, and marketers. To block these people from seeing their profiles, teens have the option to make their profiles private in order to restrict who can view their profile. They do this by adjusting privacy settings that are available to all users of social networking sites.
Most parents think that sites like MySpace and Facebook are nothing but trouble and they don't want their children doing anything on them. However, youth now-a-days need to access and be a part of these sites in order to mature as adults because of the way times have shifted. If everyone is doing it, you don't want to be left behind, especially while teenagers are developing themselves socially; but an argument can be made that teens are not well prepared to navigate these social sites that deal with invisible audiences (those who access your profile for whatever reason). There is no way of stopping teens from accessing these social networking sites, but as a society, the only thing we could do is figure out how to educate them to navigate these social structures safely (Boyd, 2007). In the end, one fact holds true, public life has become much more visible from what it used to be in the past and everyone must adapt.
When teens were asked why this is the case, the reason tended to be to maintain connections with their friends and to make new ones. Another reason is for pure entertainment; social voyeurism passes time while providing insight into the society around the teens, which can be either good or bad (Boyd, 2007). The main goal for teens on these sites seems to be to look "cool". There are many unspoken guidelines on these sites and the most important one seems to be "You are who you know" because people judge others based on their associations (Boyd, 2007). Therefore teens are on a mission to master these sites in order to get acceptance from their peer groups.
These Social networking cites are typically public in the sense that friends are publicly made, profiles are publicly viewed, and comments are publicly visible (Boyd, 2007). Although, teenagers need their protection on these sites because of their age and vulnerability, a lot of teens already practice safe-guarding their identity, but not for protection from strangers. They tend to change their profile names and their locations to hide themselves from their parents, but they still interact with total strangers, which is not the safest idea.
There are two types of groups that have great interest in the profiles of teens, those who hold power over them and those who wish to prey on them (Boyd, 2007). Those who hold power over them are basically parents and teachers and those who prey on them are stalkers, predators, and marketers. To block these people from seeing their profiles, teens have the option to make their profiles private in order to restrict who can view their profile. They do this by adjusting privacy settings that are available to all users of social networking sites.
Most parents think that sites like MySpace and Facebook are nothing but trouble and they don't want their children doing anything on them. However, youth now-a-days need to access and be a part of these sites in order to mature as adults because of the way times have shifted. If everyone is doing it, you don't want to be left behind, especially while teenagers are developing themselves socially; but an argument can be made that teens are not well prepared to navigate these social sites that deal with invisible audiences (those who access your profile for whatever reason). There is no way of stopping teens from accessing these social networking sites, but as a society, the only thing we could do is figure out how to educate them to navigate these social structures safely (Boyd, 2007). In the end, one fact holds true, public life has become much more visible from what it used to be in the past and everyone must adapt.
Understanding Youth’s Social Networking
There are many different perspectives on online social networking. Non-users such often look at and talk about social networking sites from an outsider’s perspective. These non-users are the news media, parents, teachers or other adults. They tend to be primarily critical and they fortify some of prejudices or moral panics that envelop youth’s use of new communication technologies. This is because of a lack of understanding of what online social networking for teenagers really is all about. In this blog I am going to explain how and why teens and youth use social networking as well as how they construct and co-construct their identities online.
Teens use social networking sites to communicate with their existing friends from their school or social environment. They also use the sites to make new friends online that they normally wouldn't have approached, or felt they had a chance to interact with face to face. Teens use these sites to find people to be their online friends, someone to be their "big sibling", a girlfriend/ boyfriend, or just someone to listen to them.
A lot of young people use their profiles to post testimonials about their friends, stating how much they mean to them and how important they are. Most people would not think about expressing themselves that way in real life, but these social networking sites provide them with a forum to do so. When asked why they do this, most teens said that they like seeing those messages about themselves. "It is nice to see what others think of you. I am happy that someone writes about me in their profile. It shows our feelings", as a 15 year old girl in the focus group stated (Larsen 2005). In that sense, these social networking sites are important because they allow young people to develop feelings of self-confidence, which is an important part of growing up and constructing your own unique identity (Larsen, 2007).
Young people also use others as co-constructors of their identity. They want others to know what their friends think of them, this is why they post things on public walls for everyone to see, rather then just sending private messages. Researchers have found comments are mostly positive and seldom negative because there is a reinforcing effect; if you leave a positive comment on someone’s page they are likely to do the same for you and vice versa (Larsen, 2007). Young people urge others for these reinforcing comments often because they seek positive recognition, which helps them form positive images of themselves.
A young person’s online identity is fragmented and socially constructed; they have the ability to totally define who they are (Larsen, 2007). However, "…studies show what young people do and talk about online is very close to their non-virtual lives and friends, for which reason the boundary between online and offline is typically blurred" (Larsen, 2007). Social networking sites do not completely form youth’s identities, but they are more like continuations of youth’s normal lives (Larsen, 2007). Non-users need to consider all of this before they reinforce prejudices’ and judge youth’s online social networking.
Teens use social networking sites to communicate with their existing friends from their school or social environment. They also use the sites to make new friends online that they normally wouldn't have approached, or felt they had a chance to interact with face to face. Teens use these sites to find people to be their online friends, someone to be their "big sibling", a girlfriend/ boyfriend, or just someone to listen to them.
A lot of young people use their profiles to post testimonials about their friends, stating how much they mean to them and how important they are. Most people would not think about expressing themselves that way in real life, but these social networking sites provide them with a forum to do so. When asked why they do this, most teens said that they like seeing those messages about themselves. "It is nice to see what others think of you. I am happy that someone writes about me in their profile. It shows our feelings", as a 15 year old girl in the focus group stated (Larsen 2005). In that sense, these social networking sites are important because they allow young people to develop feelings of self-confidence, which is an important part of growing up and constructing your own unique identity (Larsen, 2007).
Young people also use others as co-constructors of their identity. They want others to know what their friends think of them, this is why they post things on public walls for everyone to see, rather then just sending private messages. Researchers have found comments are mostly positive and seldom negative because there is a reinforcing effect; if you leave a positive comment on someone’s page they are likely to do the same for you and vice versa (Larsen, 2007). Young people urge others for these reinforcing comments often because they seek positive recognition, which helps them form positive images of themselves.
A young person’s online identity is fragmented and socially constructed; they have the ability to totally define who they are (Larsen, 2007). However, "…studies show what young people do and talk about online is very close to their non-virtual lives and friends, for which reason the boundary between online and offline is typically blurred" (Larsen, 2007). Social networking sites do not completely form youth’s identities, but they are more like continuations of youth’s normal lives (Larsen, 2007). Non-users need to consider all of this before they reinforce prejudices’ and judge youth’s online social networking.
Sunday, November 8, 2009
Security and Privacy Among Young Adults
As the Internet has saturated the branded marketplace over the last decade, young adolescents, who were once known to use the Internet very little, now have a strong presence. Young adolescents' information disclosure on social networking sites like Facebook and My Space has strengthened parents' worries about loss of privacy (Romer 2006). In response to these emergent concerns, researchers have begun to empirically investigate adolescents and their online privacy concerns (Youn, 2008). These studies have examined older adolescents' (ages 14-18) privacy concerns and their coping behaviors to protect their privacy rights. However, little is known about how younger adolescents (ages 11-13) perceive online privacy and how they respond to it.
Studies that were done by Yan (2005, 2006) uncovered that students in grades 7 and 8 showed an adult level of understanding concerning negative consequences of Internet use in general. Compared with students in grades 4, 5, and 6, seventh and eighth graders were found to understand social concerns, such as online privacy invasion, and where found to convey a cautious attitude toward using email and navigating Web sites (Yan, 2006). These findings point out that this age group has the capability to understand risks caused by privacy loss and link such perceptible risks to their privacy protection behaviors, in general. In a study by Bagnaschi and Geraci (2003), they reported that ten- to twelve-year-olds (55%) and thirteen- to fifteen-year-olds (62%) are more likely to worry about giving out personal information on a Web site than either eight- to nine-year-olds (37%) or sixteen- to seventeen-year-olds (52%).
Many parents, and scholars alike, also worry that adolescents and young adults post personal information on their profiles that make it unsafe and dangerous for them. One study that was done on teenagers’ profiles in MySpace concluded that personal information disclosure on this site is quite uncommon (Hinduja & Patchin, 2008). Most teenagers and young adults tend to withhold personal information, only giving out basics like maybe the state or country with which they are from. Some do not even give their real location or age.
In a study of qualitative in-depth interviews with teens, ages 13-17, Grant (2006) explained major causes for teens' privacy concerns online. Teens were concerned about their online privacy because they were worried about being bombarded with unsolicited commercial messages and being tracked down by marketers, resulting in a loss of control over their private information. In a survey study of teens age 14-18, Youn (2005), measured privacy risks teens are facing. These include emotional discomfort, conflict with parents, wasted time due to managing unsolicited emails, potential monetary loss, and the possible misuse of personal information by companies (Youn, 2005). Furthermore, Youn (2005) found that as teens perceived privacy risks to be more severe, they were less likely to provide their personal information to a Web site.
Milne, Rohm and Bahl (2004), using an online panel and college student sample surveys, found that the level of privacy concerns was a strong predictor of online privacy and identity protection behaviors such as falsifying information, refusing information disclosure or transactions, or removing personal information from lists. Recently, researchers also discovered that apprehensions for online privacy influenced consumers' responses to fabricate their personal information, to implement privacy-enhancing technologies, and to abstain from interacting with a Web site (Lwin, Wirtz and Williams 2007). Researchers found related patterns to those exposed in the adult segment upon analysis of the teen segment. They revealed that privacy concerned teens were more prone to engage in privacy-protecting behaviors (Youn, 2005). For example, concerns about privacy were related to the providing inaccurate information, notifying Internet Service Providers about unwanted emails, and requesting name removal from marketing lists (Youn, 2005). Youn (2005) also found that teens were more likely to falsify or withhold their personal information, as they were increasingly concerned about information disclosure.
Altogether, these findings entail the importance of investigating how this age group deals with privacy and security issues and how they respond to e-marketers' information collection and sharing practices.
Studies that were done by Yan (2005, 2006) uncovered that students in grades 7 and 8 showed an adult level of understanding concerning negative consequences of Internet use in general. Compared with students in grades 4, 5, and 6, seventh and eighth graders were found to understand social concerns, such as online privacy invasion, and where found to convey a cautious attitude toward using email and navigating Web sites (Yan, 2006). These findings point out that this age group has the capability to understand risks caused by privacy loss and link such perceptible risks to their privacy protection behaviors, in general. In a study by Bagnaschi and Geraci (2003), they reported that ten- to twelve-year-olds (55%) and thirteen- to fifteen-year-olds (62%) are more likely to worry about giving out personal information on a Web site than either eight- to nine-year-olds (37%) or sixteen- to seventeen-year-olds (52%).
Many parents, and scholars alike, also worry that adolescents and young adults post personal information on their profiles that make it unsafe and dangerous for them. One study that was done on teenagers’ profiles in MySpace concluded that personal information disclosure on this site is quite uncommon (Hinduja & Patchin, 2008). Most teenagers and young adults tend to withhold personal information, only giving out basics like maybe the state or country with which they are from. Some do not even give their real location or age.
In a study of qualitative in-depth interviews with teens, ages 13-17, Grant (2006) explained major causes for teens' privacy concerns online. Teens were concerned about their online privacy because they were worried about being bombarded with unsolicited commercial messages and being tracked down by marketers, resulting in a loss of control over their private information. In a survey study of teens age 14-18, Youn (2005), measured privacy risks teens are facing. These include emotional discomfort, conflict with parents, wasted time due to managing unsolicited emails, potential monetary loss, and the possible misuse of personal information by companies (Youn, 2005). Furthermore, Youn (2005) found that as teens perceived privacy risks to be more severe, they were less likely to provide their personal information to a Web site.
Milne, Rohm and Bahl (2004), using an online panel and college student sample surveys, found that the level of privacy concerns was a strong predictor of online privacy and identity protection behaviors such as falsifying information, refusing information disclosure or transactions, or removing personal information from lists. Recently, researchers also discovered that apprehensions for online privacy influenced consumers' responses to fabricate their personal information, to implement privacy-enhancing technologies, and to abstain from interacting with a Web site (Lwin, Wirtz and Williams 2007). Researchers found related patterns to those exposed in the adult segment upon analysis of the teen segment. They revealed that privacy concerned teens were more prone to engage in privacy-protecting behaviors (Youn, 2005). For example, concerns about privacy were related to the providing inaccurate information, notifying Internet Service Providers about unwanted emails, and requesting name removal from marketing lists (Youn, 2005). Youn (2005) also found that teens were more likely to falsify or withhold their personal information, as they were increasingly concerned about information disclosure.
Altogether, these findings entail the importance of investigating how this age group deals with privacy and security issues and how they respond to e-marketers' information collection and sharing practices.
Trust and Reasons Why We Use Social Media?
A big question about social media, especially social networking sites, is why individuals, specifically adolescents and young adults, are motivated to use them. Some research shows that young people are motivated to join these sites to keep strong ties with friends and to strengthen ties with new acquaintances, but not so much to meet new people online (Acquisti & Gross, 2006; Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007).
Social capital is the resources available to people through their social interactions (Putnam, 2004). Individuals with a large and diverse network of contacts are thought to have more social capital than individuals with small, less diverse networks. Although people often build up social capital as a result of their daily interactions with friends, coworkers, and strangers, it is also possible to make intentional investments in social interaction (Resnick, 2002). This is what emerges when people report that their main reason to join Facebook and to spend time on the site is to keep in touch with old friends and to strengthen bonds with people within their social group. By using social networking sites (SNSs), individuals, specifically adolescents and young adults, seek to preserve and increase their social networks (Ellison et al., 2007).
Investment in social networks permits individuals to develop standards of trust and reciprocity. In other words, trust makes it possible to work with others on common issues (Putnam, 2004). Social capital also allows individuals to access information and opportunities, such as job openings and friendships, that are otherwise unavailable (Putnam, 2004). This means that improving individuals’ well-being and quality of life are results of social capital.
Extending this justification to SNSs, it could be expected that people who actively participate in Facebook are more likely to experience connectedness and feel happier (Ellison et al., 2007). The relationship between personal contentment and SNS also could be reciprocal. For instance, college students with lower levels of life satisfaction could seek to participate in online networks to increase their personal well-being (Ellison et al., 2007).
Higher levels of life satisfaction, almost perpetually, are positively associated with norms of reciprocity and trust (Putnam, 2004). The direction of causality, however, is not clear. Some researchers have found that those who believe that strangers can be trusted report higher subjective well-being; while others have concluded that life satisfaction is a requirement of social trust (Putnam, 2004). It may be that life satisfaction and comprehensive trust have a common relationship (Putnam, 2004). For instance, people who belong to a wide network of trusted members can receive more emotional support in times of personal crisis. This support, in turn, could further develop their trust in network members.
Online social networks allow users to learn detailed information about their contacts, including personal background, interests, music tastes, and location. This information can reduce uncertainty about other users’ intentions and behaviors, which is an essential stipulation for developing norms of trust and reciprocity (Putnam, 2004). If individuals are unable to get to know each other, the possibility they will develop an continuing, trusting relationship is reduced. Of course, uncertainty reduction does not necessarily lead to more social trust (Newton, 1999). Through Facebook, users may actually learn that their contacts have attributes that make them less attractive, which may lead to mistrust. Therefore, the more we know about others, the more we may trust or distrust them (Newton, 1999). However, it is questionable that Facebook users will keep up in their personal list of friends, people who they really distrust. Hence Facebook usage could be positively interconnected to having online networks of likeable and trusting members. Likewise, believing that others will not knowingly harm us may support usage of online network services. In other words, social trust and Facebojavascript:void(0)ok use may have a shared relationship.
Social capital is the resources available to people through their social interactions (Putnam, 2004). Individuals with a large and diverse network of contacts are thought to have more social capital than individuals with small, less diverse networks. Although people often build up social capital as a result of their daily interactions with friends, coworkers, and strangers, it is also possible to make intentional investments in social interaction (Resnick, 2002). This is what emerges when people report that their main reason to join Facebook and to spend time on the site is to keep in touch with old friends and to strengthen bonds with people within their social group. By using social networking sites (SNSs), individuals, specifically adolescents and young adults, seek to preserve and increase their social networks (Ellison et al., 2007).
Investment in social networks permits individuals to develop standards of trust and reciprocity. In other words, trust makes it possible to work with others on common issues (Putnam, 2004). Social capital also allows individuals to access information and opportunities, such as job openings and friendships, that are otherwise unavailable (Putnam, 2004). This means that improving individuals’ well-being and quality of life are results of social capital.
Extending this justification to SNSs, it could be expected that people who actively participate in Facebook are more likely to experience connectedness and feel happier (Ellison et al., 2007). The relationship between personal contentment and SNS also could be reciprocal. For instance, college students with lower levels of life satisfaction could seek to participate in online networks to increase their personal well-being (Ellison et al., 2007).
Higher levels of life satisfaction, almost perpetually, are positively associated with norms of reciprocity and trust (Putnam, 2004). The direction of causality, however, is not clear. Some researchers have found that those who believe that strangers can be trusted report higher subjective well-being; while others have concluded that life satisfaction is a requirement of social trust (Putnam, 2004). It may be that life satisfaction and comprehensive trust have a common relationship (Putnam, 2004). For instance, people who belong to a wide network of trusted members can receive more emotional support in times of personal crisis. This support, in turn, could further develop their trust in network members.
Online social networks allow users to learn detailed information about their contacts, including personal background, interests, music tastes, and location. This information can reduce uncertainty about other users’ intentions and behaviors, which is an essential stipulation for developing norms of trust and reciprocity (Putnam, 2004). If individuals are unable to get to know each other, the possibility they will develop an continuing, trusting relationship is reduced. Of course, uncertainty reduction does not necessarily lead to more social trust (Newton, 1999). Through Facebook, users may actually learn that their contacts have attributes that make them less attractive, which may lead to mistrust. Therefore, the more we know about others, the more we may trust or distrust them (Newton, 1999). However, it is questionable that Facebook users will keep up in their personal list of friends, people who they really distrust. Hence Facebook usage could be positively interconnected to having online networks of likeable and trusting members. Likewise, believing that others will not knowingly harm us may support usage of online network services. In other words, social trust and Facebojavascript:void(0)ok use may have a shared relationship.
Saturday, November 7, 2009
Internet Use and Individuals’ (Specifically Adolescents’ and Young Adults’) Social Capital
Many scholars have argued whether or not Facebook, MySpace, and other social media affect adolescents’ and young adult’s behaviors and attitudes. Many people fear that today’s social media has mostly negative effects on adolescents and young adults. They also question social media’s relation to an individual’s strong and weak ties. Due to this accusation, many studies have been done to test this theory. There is a good amount of literature on general Internet use and social capital and on the net effects of SNS use on social capital. Some researchers, such as Nie (2001) found that Internet users had fewer face-to-face interactions, much like heavy television watchers. Subsequent research found that online communications have a positive effect on individuals’ social trust and participation in community life (Kobayashi, Ikeda, & Miyata, 2006; Rasänen & Kouvo, 2007). This battle can continue forever; however, there is a reoccurring theme; that the positive and negative effects of the Internet on social capital are dependent upon the way scholars conceptualize the medium and how people use it.
According to Donath and Boyd (2004) online social networks may not increase the number of strong ties a person may have. Instead, a person’s weak ties may increase because the technology is appropriate to maintaining these links cheaply and easily. This proposal was empirically tested by Ellison, Steinfield, and Lampe (2007) using survey data from a small sample of undergraduate students in the U.S. They found that use of Facebook had a strong association with maintaining or solidifying existing offline relationships, as opposed to meeting new people. The strongest relationship, however, was between Facebook use and bridging social capital (Ellison, Steinfield, and Lampe, 2007). Interestingly, these authors found that the use of the SNS interrelated with students’ psychological well-being, suggesting that Facebook might provide greater benefits for users who have low self-esteem and low life satisfaction.
Social media, such as e-mail, chat services, and SNSs, allow people to engage in interpersonal contact. When researchers operationalize Internet use as time spent with the technology, they ignore the multiple audiences, motives, and experiences that the medium allows. They then tend to find a negative effect on individual-level production of social capital (Nie & Hillygus, 2002). On the other hand, when researchers recognize the different uses of the Internet, such as informational, recreational, communicative, entertainment, etc, they tend to find a positive link between certain motives for Internet use and social capital (Beaudoin, 2008). In summary, it is not the technology per se that can affect individuals’ social capital but the specific ways in which individuals use the technology. This explains why online activities have been found to both reduce and increase social capital. Extending this rationale to other social media and SNSs, we could say that their impact on social capital should be dependent upon the specific uses and gratifications sought by users. Although I am sure with all this new social media available more testing will need to be done, I think the research so far shows that it’s the user itself that mainly controls how much social media will affect them.
According to Donath and Boyd (2004) online social networks may not increase the number of strong ties a person may have. Instead, a person’s weak ties may increase because the technology is appropriate to maintaining these links cheaply and easily. This proposal was empirically tested by Ellison, Steinfield, and Lampe (2007) using survey data from a small sample of undergraduate students in the U.S. They found that use of Facebook had a strong association with maintaining or solidifying existing offline relationships, as opposed to meeting new people. The strongest relationship, however, was between Facebook use and bridging social capital (Ellison, Steinfield, and Lampe, 2007). Interestingly, these authors found that the use of the SNS interrelated with students’ psychological well-being, suggesting that Facebook might provide greater benefits for users who have low self-esteem and low life satisfaction.
Social media, such as e-mail, chat services, and SNSs, allow people to engage in interpersonal contact. When researchers operationalize Internet use as time spent with the technology, they ignore the multiple audiences, motives, and experiences that the medium allows. They then tend to find a negative effect on individual-level production of social capital (Nie & Hillygus, 2002). On the other hand, when researchers recognize the different uses of the Internet, such as informational, recreational, communicative, entertainment, etc, they tend to find a positive link between certain motives for Internet use and social capital (Beaudoin, 2008). In summary, it is not the technology per se that can affect individuals’ social capital but the specific ways in which individuals use the technology. This explains why online activities have been found to both reduce and increase social capital. Extending this rationale to other social media and SNSs, we could say that their impact on social capital should be dependent upon the specific uses and gratifications sought by users. Although I am sure with all this new social media available more testing will need to be done, I think the research so far shows that it’s the user itself that mainly controls how much social media will affect them.
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